Below, a letter from Jewish community called "Jewish Voice for Peace" voicing from another side.
Dear Abd A'la,
The news about the attacks in Gaza is beyond words. "Appalling" doesn't even come close.
U.S.-supplied Israeli F-16 warplanes and Apache helicopters have fired missiles and dropped over 100 tons of bombs on dozens of locations in the Israeli-occupied Gaza Strip. Over 300 people are dead and at least 1,400 more are injured. Many if not most of them are civilians. Food and medicine were already in short supply in Gaza and all medical facilities have been completely overwhelmed by this onslaught. Access to Gaza has been cut off by Israel.
This is the most violent and heartbreaking situation that has happened to the Palestinians in recent history, and it must stop.In addition to calling for protests at Israeli consulates and federal buildings, as well as letters to the U.S. and Israeli governments, Jewish Voice for Peace staff and members are already putting together an aggressive campaign focused on Gaza. And, without a moment to waste, we call for an immediate end to attacks on all civilians.
I am Stephanie Roth and I've been an activist with Jewish Voice for Peace for many years, including serving on the board of directors. I've been involved with social justice issues my entire adult life - both in my professional life as an editor and fundraiser, and as a volunteer and activist. There is no issue I find more important or compelling than my work to end the Israeli Occupation. I am particularly saddened by this weekend's tragedy, occurring just a week after the uplifting days when the Shministim - the young Israeli conscientious objectors - caught the world's attention with their courage to say no to violence on December 18. I know that people in Gaza will stop dying when Israeli soldiers, like the Shministim, have the courage to say NO. NO, we will not target civilians; NO, we will not follow immoral orders; NO, we will not contribute to the destruction of Palestinian society.
Together with the Shministim, and with the 1,000 Israelis in Tel Aviv and thousands of others around the world who have already come out to protest the Gaza onslaught, we say YES. YES, stepping up to speak for justice and peace makes a difference; YES, we stand with the people of Gaza, of the West Bank, of Sderot in Israel and the innocent civilians everywhere whose lives are destroyed by cynical politicians and warmakers; YES, our voices together are stronger than the voice of any one of us alone; and YES, we are committed to the longterm goal of ending the Occupation and working for justice, peace and life.
Jewish Voice for Peace's goal - MY goal - of ending the Occupation is a long-term one. Today, I will be giving the biggest gift I can to insure that they have the resources for a swift and sustained response to this most recent atrocity.
We are in this struggle for as long as it takes, and we need your help. Please make the largest gift you can, today.Every gift is put right to work, and every gift makes a difference.
"If not us, who? If not now, when?"
Stephanie Roth
P.S. I know that Jewish Voice for Peace will be asking for help in a variety of ways over the next few days, weeks, months. Please, if you believe in peace, if you believe in the Shministim, stay tuned and help when you can. Thank you.
Indonesian Peace Delegation discussed seriously with some Palestinian figures and UN Peacekeeping Troop at different time and site to settle perpetual conflict of Israel-Palestine.Hostility and alike absolutely cannot solve the problem. Instead, a dialogue and mutual trust between two countries are prime medium to get the goal. Besides, the both countries should put gracious ethic-moral values in the front in which the substantive religious tenets could play significant role. Let us be committed to make no more hostility, violence, attack each other, and terrorism in the Middle East and all over the world.
As can be read from the mass media coverage, the advent of Amrozi and Mukhlas corpses in the village of their birth in Lamongan on November 10, 2008 greeted by some or groups of Muslim communities there as a martyrs, mujahid.
Community who view those Amrozi atal as martyrs confirm the strong impression of supporting Amrozi at al bombing the region of Legian in Bali and killing hundreds of civil society on 12 October 2002 six years ago. They seem to view that terroristic attack on Bali is not terrorism, but holy war (qital-jihadi).
This reality shows there are some people who still do not understand the whole concept of jihad. They were trapped in the naive belief understanding religious teachings partially. They may believe, doing violence to –even killing –non-Muslim in any condition and at any time is jihad fi sabilillah; the holy war.
Such views certainly had to face with the concept of jihad as in the Koran, Hadith of the Messenger, the views of ulama, and with Islam the history. Through this dialogue, we expected not too hasty in using religious symbols, especially for things that would harm Islam, people and their life overall.
The Meaning of Jihad
In Islam, the term of jihad is not a synonym words qital and harb (war/ physical battle). Meanwhile qital in the Koran always refers to self-defense and physical resistance, jihad laden with various meanings that have become the theological basis since the Meccan period. This can be tracked such from paragraph 25 of the Koran, which directs people to “fight” Mecca idolaters through the Koran. Because of this paragraph came down in Mecca, jihad clearly is not physical attacks, but argues and the like.
In addition, the hadith in Musnad Imam Ahmad stated, who called mujahid is someone who struggled against her/his desire to obey God's teachings, and the Hadith in Imam Nasai declared, jihad for adults or other, male or female, and the strong and the weak one are doing pilgrimage (hajj and 'umrah). The meaning is clearly different with qital allowed when people fled toMedina with the goal solely for self-defense.
Related to the diversity of the meaning of jihad, Hossein Nasr (2005) argues, all of the effort in noble morality, including prayer (solat) and so is the jihad. Therefore, Khaled Abou El Fadl (2005:21) is not excessive when he states, jihad is a powerful symbol of perseverance, hard work, and all the success in Islam. history To certain degree, jihad has similarity with the ethics of Protestantism. Through this jihad, Islam and civilization achieve peak performance in the scholarly and sciences during the early to mid-century.
It must be recognized, jihad during the first generation of Muslims often be connotated with qital. This is because the world at that time, i.e. Arabs, Byzantium and the other were in the state of war. Such reality making the Prophet Muhammad (puh) and Muslims after flight to Medina were allowed to resistance against the polytheists. However, qital-jihadi (holy war or physically resistance) was allowed only for defense, and self-exemption from the fetters repression. More than that, connoting resistance with jihad means that it must be based on moral grandeur, and as last way when other efforts have been closed entirely.
In the next period, the fuqaha (Islamic legal experts) both the Sunni and Shi’ah formulated the requirements of qital-jihadi strictly. Based on the Koran and Sunnah of the Messenger, they assert that physical resistance by the people of Islam should never direct to the civilian population. In addition, only leaders have the right to declare the implementation and enforcement of resistance. In the context of the Sunni, the leader is the head of state, while of the Shi’ah is the priest.
If it is drawn to the contemporary context, when the world is no longer in the state of war, and conflict between two or more countries should be solved through international agencies, the requirement of qital-jihadi must be more closely strict. Conversely, jihad in comprehensive and humanistic perspectives, and with its morality meaning need to be disseminated.
No Jihad in Terrorism
Based on the meaning of jihad above, we believe the attack carried out by Amrozi et al has no relation, even contrary, to the true jihad. Moreover, the tourists to whom Amrozi at al targeted, according to al-Qardhawi, not only cannot be attacked, but also not to be disturbed. Furthermore, al-Jabiri (2003) asserts, the verses of the sword (qital), which is often used as the basis for certain Muslim groups to conduct terrorism is highly contextual, associated with the condition of Islam at that time. Even al-Faqih Ibn al-Arabi -quoted by al-Jabiri -states, the unbelievers (kafir or mushrikun) stated in the revelations is related to the unbelievers of Mecca in that time. Thus, the infidel, especially the other non-Muslims, nowadays, cannot be make simply the same as unbelievers of Mecca.
How important do all of the nation and people in the world to engage in promoting conflict resolution and spreading peace in this area and rest of the world.
MDGs, PESANTREN MAY COUNTER NEGATIVE IMPACTS OF GLOBALIZATION By Abd A’la
Many people acknowledge that besides ushering in number of positive changes, globalization has also had negative impacts for humankind, especially for the people of Second and Third World countries. Sardar (2003), for example, is of the opinion that globalization exerts great pressure on those people as it follows the economic and culturally imperialistic path of the West.
Sardar further stated that globalization has developed a number of dominant cultural practices and value that are based on the concept that life should be pursued by causing damage to other parties. This concept produces serious consequences in that not only are local tradition and non-Western cultural practices destroyed, but also it also completely negates a future that that is non-Western oriented or affiliated. The only possible future available is that which must be moulded through a single line of pursuit.
This phenomenon is triggered not only by Western domination, but also more importantly by poverty and the rudimentary condition of education in most world communities, except in the West. Pertaining to this, the Millennium Development Goals (MDGs) a program to reduce the number of poor people in the world is, directly or indirectly, of great significance in decreasing the negative impacts of globalization.
Within this context, MDGs are expected to play an optimal role on the condition that this UN program truly extricates poor people from their deprived position, improve their education standards, and ultimately enable them to become responsible member of society. It is therefore important that this global project be developed along situations that really exist in society, and within the overall framework of community potential.
In time, the improved and enabled community would be able to address critically the on-going globalization process and thus would not become mere victims of the acquisitive transnational companies supported by Western countries.
Within the Indonesian setting, where the majority of poor and backward people live in the rural areas, pesantren (islamic boarding schools) that are widely scattered in the villages can definitely play an active role in the implementation of the program. These schools have always been close to the community because of their basic education philosophy, which is from, for and by community, and as such, they are great assets to support the MDGs program. Furthermore, the successes achieved by those Islamic schools in community development during the 1780s and 1980s certainly need to be recreated.
However, in order to achieve those ideal conditions again, pesantren need to upgrade themselves and make internal improvements because the fact of the matter is that currently pesantren are still facing an assortment of problems making it doubtful whether they could play an effective role in addressing globalization in critical manner. One pressing problem that must be taken care of immediately is the fact that the education curriculum of pesantren is trapped by one or other of the following two extreme poles. A number of pesantren still adhere to an education curriculum that is too inward-looking, limited and seemingly exclusive. Another group is entangled within network of aimless and copycat curricula, which undermine the very principle, and values of pesantren.
Both situations are equally disadvantageous, making it difficult for Islam Boarding Schools to respond positively to the developments and changes in social life especially because of globalization. Those pesantren that are sucked down by an archaic curriculum will definitely be mesmerized by historic romanticism, which would make them uncertain in pursuing and untangling the complexities of life.
Similarly, those pesantren with purposeless and copycat curriculum would lose their identity, and quite possibly lose their noble values, becoming trampled by pragmatic considerations and the like.
Another problem facing pesantren is the dissolution or diminishing of their independence, with more and more of them becoming increasingly dependent on outside institutions. Already quite a number of pesantren have been co-opted by the state causing these education institutions, which in the past played a significant role in developing and strengthening civil societies, to lose their courage and become powerless.
A number of pesantren, usually through their leaders, have also been observed to be actively involved in politics, causing the institutions to lose their ability to develop democratic and nationalistic policies and instead fall into the trap of primordial sentiments and sectarianism. The interests of the people and the nation, which had been one of the objectives of pesantren, have been traded for the interests of groups and cliques.
This current situation inhibits pesantren from making positive contributions to Indonesia and her people in critically addressing the transformation phase of globalization. It has become necessary to exercise an introspective reconstruction.
Reconstructing pesantren requires a number of unconditional prerequisites to be established. Such as to have a critical open mindset in which pesantren are expected to open up and be willing to observe all kind of development that are taking place. At the same time, pesantren need also to develop their expertise to select those useful items and events, which they should develop and absorb into their institutions, without prejudice, preconception, or apologies. It is upon such foundation that the educational and social reconstruction should be carried out.
The aforementioned reconstruction steps are expected to lead to pesantren, and ultimately also the community, to have a critical and creative retrospective attitude in observing, addressing and generating policies in response to the problems of life, particularly those that arise from globalization and its negative impacts. It is important that pesantren and the community should not run away from the facts of life, be dragged into a sea of difficulties or become trapped into an apologetic attitude that can never solve problems. Globalization as a reality can no longer be regarded as a threat, but should be accepted as a challenge that must be addressed. Islamic Boarding Schools and their respective communities should be able to control globalization and eventually render it into a more human, moral and truly welfare-generating lifestyle.
However, it should be noted that this all depends on the competence and readiness of pesantren to conduct self-correction followed by self-improvement. If they fail to do so, the ideal situation will remain Utopian, an unattainable dream, and instead of taking control of globalization, pesantren and their communities would become easy prey for negative impacts of globalization.
PESANTREN ANNUQAYAH AND EDUCATIONAL NETWORK WITHIN PESANTREN
Abd A`la
As actualization of what have got during Pesantren-ITD workshop at Amherst, Massachusetts on September-October 2002, Pesantren Annuqayah of Guluk-Guluk Sumenep Madura[1] has developed a program having the form of network within pesantrens in district of Sumenep. The network has been held periodically with its venue consecutively from one pesantren to other pesantren.
Its mission is to originate pesantren to its genuine values such as spreading self-sufficiency, appreciating of local wisdom, and affirming religious moderation, including empowering community. Besides, it focuses on maintaining education as process of transformation in three main aspects, intellectual, spiritual, and emotional quotient.
From this point, the network discusses how to anchor it in the life world changing time to time. It is very urgent to conserve and develop such these values since some pesantren tends to neglect them.Main activities of the network are both discourse and praxis putting into workshop, seminar and likewise, besides doing advocating of communities in facing educational problems, and solving them in turn. In some workshop having been held so far, the participants recognized urgency of reformulating the pesantren education based on noble pesantren principles on one side, and contextualization the ideals into concrete realities on the other side.
To some extent, its activities have been being enchanting. Within the pesantrens, there has been enthusiasm to criticize the recent teaching methodologies, curriculum, and the concepts in it[2] as well as to assess the state policy not supporting development of the real education. Parallel with it, in the 2004 regional general election the network held political education for people to vote only in accordance with their own preference. The impact is very wonderful since about 30 percent of the voter did not join in the election.
This phenomenon showed emerging of consciousness among the people to empower their own life. Next to that, it demonstrates strong effort to maintain pesantren's autonomous and community's tending disappear recently. Minimally, they have had more appreciation of education significances from which they hope they reach the better condition in all aspects of the life.
Anyhow, it does not tell all the condition. Beyond its limited successful, the network has some weaknesses. One of them is its strong dependence on key persons. Related to this, another problem emerges laying on its continuity of the network. The other thing is its inertia to respond some problem. Still another problem is that this pesantren network reached only territory of Sumenep and small part of Pamekasan.
* Presented at International Conference on Islamic Education in Contemporary Indonesia and the Philippines, University of Southern Mindanao, Kabacan, Cotabato, Philippines, September 11-14, 2006.
[1] Madura is an island, part of EastJavaProvince. Madura its self consist of four territories, Bangkalan, Sampang, Pamekasan, and Sumenep. Sumenep lays in the eastern part of the island.
[2] The participants, for example, had a strong critique against meaning of akhlaq (ethic) being biased as mere such a courteous, even just lip service. They proposed to interpret to its genuine meaning covering justice, equality, maintenance of peace etc.
Genting Highland, Malaysia Talking about Genting Highland, we do not to be captivated by the casino and the like, but the spirit of developing the country.
The prolonged Israeli-Palestinian conflict has a far-reaching impact not only upon the lives of those who dwell in the Holy Land, but upon virtually every nation and community on earth. On a daily basis, self-interested parties are callously manipulating the most basic values of humanity and religion in order to advance their personal or political interests. Sectarianism, violence, arrogance and deception are constantly subverting the fundamental values of life, and turning religious principles upon their heads. This horrific process demands that every moral human being, religious community and nation throughout the world contemplate this tragedy and offer assistance, however small, to help resolve the profound human crisis in the Holy Land. Peace is both a process and a goal that the world can neither morally nor practically afford to push off into the future yet again. We must develop and implement concrete strategies to resolve the conflict, while inspiring hope that peace can actually be achieved. The problem is that the various obstacles to peace seem nearly impossible to eliminate. These obstacles are rendered even more severe by the fact that both major parties in the conflict harbor groups absolutely convinced of the correctness of their mutually exclusive views and agendas. Such groups reject not only the rights, but the very existence, of the other side.The corrosive effect of this phenomenon is the evocation and rationalization of the use of violence, either through terrorism or militarism. Prejudiced views on both sides, not only by those directly engaged in the conflict, but by their allies as well, further stoke the flames of hatred and violence. These prejudices contaminate public discourse throughout the world, and are constantly exploited by Middle Eastern regimes that fuel anti-Israeli and anti-Semitic emotions for political purposes, while displaying little or no actual concern for the well-being of the Palestinians themselves. Under such conditions, it is nearly impossible for sincere dialogue even to occur, much less to develop or flourish. Instead, the cycle of violence breeds a hardening of mutual hatred. The Palestinian side routinely condemns its enemy as a colonial power whose entire population is demonized as "imperialists," while the Israeli side brands its political opponents as terrorists, or terrorist sympathizers. For six decades, the peace process has been conducted primarily by self-interested political players who cannot penetrate to the heart of the underlying problems, much less resolve them. This gives rise to deeply cynical views on the part of certain groups on both sides, who view the peace process as absurd, its goals unobtainable, and continued violence better than compromise. Yet the difficulties that have swamped every Israeli-Palestinian peace process to date do not mean that achieving peace is impossible. Rather, they point to the need for a new and more holistic path to peace in the Middle East. This path would mobilize the populations of Israel and Palestine toward this goal, with the active encouragement and support of the rest of the world. The December 2007 visit to Israel and Palestine by a group of Indonesian ulama from the world's two largest Muslim organizations – LibForAll Foundation and the Indonesian Peace Delegation – represents one such effort, and the first step in a larger, systematic process. Conducted under the joint aegis of LibForAll Foundation and the Simon Wiesenthal Center, members of the group consistently observed that the silent majorities on both sides of the conflict sincerely desire an end to the cycle of violence, and peace for themselves and their children. This is remarkable, given the decades of incitement to hatred and violence in Palestinian mosques, schools and mass media, and a political culture that eschews compromise. It is tragic that the voice of the people – full of an honest and sincere longing for peace – should be drowned out by violence and the narrow interests of politicians and extremists on both sides. We have a responsibility to amplify the voices of the innocent who pay with their blood and sorrow the price of others' ambitions and hatred. We must also strengthen and facilitate the people's efforts to pressure their political elites – in a manner that is focused, intense and vocal, yet simultaneously civilized – to create a just and lasting peace. Palestinians and Israelis need the world's support to create a new reality, in which the highest values of religion and humanity are restored to their proper dignity. We must also help Muslim populations – not only in Palestine, but throughout the Arab world – to rise to embrace a profoundly spiritual and tolerant understanding of Islam, and a humanistic attitude toward the Israeli-Palestinian conflict that acknowledges the legacy of suffering on all sides. Such an attitude is a necessary precondition for recognizing Israel's unique history and right to exist, while truly advancing the interests of Palestinians as well. Last year's LibForAll/Indonesian Peace mission to Israel and Palestine was designed to initiate such a process. After the religious leaders who participated returned to Indonesia, they faced intense condemnation from Muslim extremists, who accused them of having betrayed their Palestinian brethren and embarrassed Indonesia's Muslim community. Yet there is nothing shameful about working to realize the highest values of religion – which God intended to serve as a blessing, and not a curse, to all of humanity. Although the obstacles to peace in the Holy Land may appear insurmountable, it is the responsibility of religious leaders on all sides to attempt the impossible, and to accept whatever threats, slander and stigma may follow.
Published on The Wall Street Journal, Saturday, May 10, 2008
THE CURRENT PHENOMENON OF YOUNG INDONESIAN MUSLIMS AND THE SIGNIFICANCE OF CRITICAL EDUCATION
Abd A’la*
It has become matter of fact that youth all over the world and along history has always been becoming agent of changes. From time to time, they dynamically urge reformation and such for their communities. The young generations always come out as pioneer for the changes and development. Speaking on Indonesia, as early as twenty century, on October 1928 AD youths from several areas where later known as Indonesia showed their significant role by organizing and delivering pledge. In this historical moment known as Sumpah Pemuda 1928, (1928 Youth Pledge) they stated that they are really one nation, one language, and one fatherland. In Indonesia history, the pledge has become one of movement triggers toward Indonesia independence in 1945. In independence days, the Indonesian youth –most of them are Muslim –still play considerable role. In 1974, they brought about mass demonstration against the policy of totalitarian regime. The culmination of their role showed in 1998 where they were successful to overthrow the Soeharto from its presidency. In spite of that, their activities do not always aim at and run for the sake of people and the concern of the state. Some of them tend to metamorphoses as an idea and movement being in contradiction the universal values, and even tend to threaten public areas. This condition emerges since they have such as vested interest, narrow horizon, or certain ideology making them trapped in primordial, sectarian, or radical movement referencing to complex problems, which one of it is due to dogmatic and or formalistic education. The Moslem Youth in Indonesia is one of being snared in the condition. Such phenomenon is that become stronger nowadays. The current phenomena Toward Soeharto step down in 1998, radical Muslims began to spring up in Indonesia. On August 17, 1998, FPI (the Islamic Defender Front) was established. Entering the twenty-first century, the fundamentalists had more domains to develop in the area due to prevalence of freedom being enjoyed by Indonesian people. On behalf of the freedom, some radical Muslims founded organizations that in turn were going to seize that freedom. Majelis Mujahidin Indonesia (MMI) was established in Yogyakarta on August 2000 with Abu Bakar Ba’asyir as the head. This organization had armed wing called Lasykar Mujahidin. Previously, in 1994 Ja’far Umar Talib, a veteran of Afghanistan war established Forum Komunikasi Ahli Sunnah wal Jamaah (FKASWJ) with its paramilitary wing, Lasykar Jihad. In general, these radicals group and such strive to uphold Islamic shari’ah in their strict understanding. Internally, they implemented the Shariah such as Lasykar Jihad stoning to death its member proved adultery. Together with this, they urge the State to implement it formally for Indonesian people, particularly the Muslim. In this frame, they perform actively amar ma’ruf nahi munkar (command of kindliness and prevention of denial) such as wickedness control. The Islamic radical groups as literalist assume that their ideas about Islam represent strongly the Islamic tenets. In the same time they emphasis on Islamic symbols, as it exist in early Arab-Islamic tradition because of their believing that it is Islam itself. They argue that this symbol is intrinsic of Islam itself. Nuance of Arab-Islam become strong phenomena among them. As far as correlated to this only performance, there is no noteworthy problem to discuss. The problem emerges since they hold on to one-sided claim truth, from which they blame other opinions differing from theirs as deviate and unislamic having to wipe out. These views are benchmark of almost the radical fundamentalist. Due to such views, they often perpetrate violence and act of damaging in public areas. Ironically, the State apparatus seem neglect it in one case, and act so slowly in other cases. Even, the State had link with some Islamic radicalism. Hefner –citing ICG – showed that after the formal founding of the Lasykar Jihad in February 2000, out-of-uniform member of the Indonesian National Military helped to train Jihad fighters at a training camp outside of Bogor, West Java. In concert with such phenomenon, terrorism and destructive power took place in some regions such as Bali bombing of 12 October 2002, which killed 202 people and hundreds more, lethal blasts at Jakarta’s Marriott Hotel on 5 August 2003, blast near the Australian Embassy on 9 September 2004, and bombing in Bali on 1 October 2005. To what extent, there is relationship between the violence and the Indonesian Islamic radicalism. As the fact shows, some of the perpetrators of the first Bali bombing are alumna of the Ngruki Pesantren, the head of which is Abu Bakar Ba’asyir who is widely regarded as the spiritual leader of Jamaah Islamiyah, beside formally as the president of MMI. The Islamic Youth, Radicalism, and its Roots Many members of the Islamic radicalism groups consist of the youth. This trend parallelize with strengthening of islamisation in Indonesia happening since eighty decade of the twelve century. On those times, the students sent to Middle East who were influenced with Muslim Brotherhood came back to the country. Coming to Indonesia, they promoted the ideology and dakwah methodology of Muslim Brotherhood within such as Indonesian Students Association (PII) having close link with the Indonesian Council of Islamic Predication (DDII), the committee sending the students to the Middle East. From this cycle, the ideology spread in the secular universities in Indonesia. Some Muslim students there develop their identity through the symbols regarded as Islam originating from Arab as well as studying Islamic fundamentalist dogma. However, the number is less than moderate one, but from time to time, their number increases significantly. After Soeharto stepped down, some of them become as truly as radical fundamentalists. Not only are interested in Arab-Islamic symbols, but due to effect of radical dogma they also carry out violent and activities. For instance, most –if not all –of perpetrators of Bali bombing – such as Imam Samudra and Muhlas –are the youth. Likewise is in other violence. The involving of Muslim youth to radicalism roots in complicated factors. Globalization with it negative impact, certainly, contribute to the trend. The globalization metamorphosing to neo-colonialism make the people of the third world, most of them are Muslim; react to this phenomenon with their own ways. Some of them respond it by wise strategy, and the rest counter it through an instant way. Regarding to Indonesian Muslim youth, some of them are fascinated in the latter. They are interested in fundamentalism since this thought give utopia-like promise unavailable in moderate one. In perspective the radicalism, religion is perceived as model of reality, representation of object, concrete, displaying congruence with the depicted object. Therefore, they strive to make lives in the whole world as similar as the “concrete” religion tenets they understand. Besides, they construct the religion as media for rallying factor for the mass, and the religious symbol as crying banner to provoke the mass enthusiasm. They carry out all of this as instant reaction against the globalization, or the West generally which they perceive as the causes of world crisis, chiefly in Muslim world. The result, then, is the rampant violence, anarchism, and riots over the country. It looks that they have a narrow horizon, and prejudice-based perception. They identify the life in dichotomy, in biner opposition. They argue Islam and its religiosity are always right, and others, particularly the West is ugly, as representation of modern jahiliyya. The Importance of Education To solve the problem, then, the education could play an important role. The education has to prepare man/women with knowledge and substantive religious values from which they have great possibility to increase their ability mainly in three aspects, spiritual, emotional, and intellect. In the same time, the education could transform them into attitude in which they can develop live and world conforming to sunnatullah. Through this education, people not only understand and respond reality holistically, but also comprehend human problems in global and regional contexts, and Indonesian as well. Based on that goal, this institution need to reconstruct its system, curriculum, syllabus, as well as teaching method. The system must completely stand on the education vision in which the elements are developed as firm unity supporting the system. The subjects in the curriculum must contain of theories supporting individual life and social one, with the results people with their plurality could live in togetherness, but at the same time they do not lost their autonomous as an individual or a group differ from the other. In term of syllabus, the topics should represent the subject matter as well as its correlation with life phenomena. The teaching method, then, ought to maintain all of them through dialogical process. This reconstruction strongly requires wise policy, which both of the government and the private organization must implement it based on the only educational values, and engage not with power-based political interests and such. We have to stress this issue since the politicization of education become stronger nowadays resulting weaknesses of education to generate educated man and women ready to respond modernity, and life in general. In this condition, the youth are interested in fundamentalism since it promises hopes which educational institution cannot do. Conversely, if the education institution could reconstruct the system, it would breed the youth generation ready to become agent of changes, they could contribute to the world positively.
Beside as a social religious institution, pesantren (an Indonesian-based Islamic boarding school) also represents dominant Islamic religiosity in Indonesia with its characteristics as moderate one. Since it existed in about fifteen century, pesantren has been introducing and disseminating Islam with its core values emphasizing peace, moderation and its derivations, such as hospitality. Actually, this religiosity has been becoming main characteristic of islamization in Nusantara –later called Indonesia –when early Muslims missionaries introduced it to local communities there.
To spread and anchor such Islam, the institution always put the dialogue with local cultures and traditions in the front as well as made them as media of islamization. Put as an example, Sunan Kalijaga –one of Walisongo (nine Muslim saints), the early Muslim missionaries and the founders of pesantren in Java –made wayang kulit (traditional Javanese visual art) as media of propagating. Through the wise approaches and the strategies adapting communities’ condition, many people in Nusantara were not only interested in Islam, but also they did not consider it as something alien.
In compliance with that, pesantren tried to avoid one sided truth claims as well as not simply to accuse another religious sects as heresy and alike. It is right that pesantren professed –to some extent –strict religiosity called in Islamic term as fiqh oriented, but this institution put it together with sufistic, mystical Islam, aspect. As Abdurrahman Wahid (1994) stated, sufistic fiqh was characteristic of pesantren scholarly.
Based on this scholarly, religiosity of pesantren stressed on both implementing rituals and internalizing spiritual aspects of religion. Emphasizing on the spirituality brought pesantren into religiosity full of modesty, and sincerity. Besides, it put the institution and its people on ability to respond life problems changing continuously. They responded the changes wisely and peacefully, though they did not always approved it.
Those characteristics have been solidifying pesantren as contextual Islam anchoring noble Islamic values into life realities. Before Indonesia independent,pesantren communities has considered that nationalism as an effect of modern world is a part of political aspects Muslim people especially in Nusantara must accept it. When Indonesia became independent, they stated that Pancasila with its democratic elements is final state for Indonesian Muslims.
So far, pesantren generally still hold those gracious characteristics. The rampant of an unhistorical –even utopian –transnational Islam nowadays just have an effect on a few pesantren and on a few figure of pesantren. Their spellbound usually refers to political matters as well as their weaknesses of understanding tradition and history of Indonesian Islam. Most of pesantren and its people are almost impossible to follow simply such radical Islam since they have a strong root of local traditions and of substantive Islamic values as well.
At this point, pesantren clearly have ability to distinguish Islam in the holy Text and Islam in Muslim thoughts. The first as God “words”, as revelation is universal, absolute, and metahistoric, and the latter is interpretation of the Text linking historically to certain locus and definite moment. Based on this, pesantren strives to contextualize the universal one to concrete lives. Islamic universal values must be brought to realization into realm of Indonesia. At the same time, the institution appreciate various Muslim thought as far as they conform to basic Islamic values.
Islam of pesantren actually represents Islam of Indonesian Muslim majority always trying to bring peace into reality. Hatred, violence and alike in the name of Islam do not come from those majority. On the contrary, they will condemn such hostility whenever and wherever. They believe that the present of Islam is for blessing for all creation.
However, in the present world loaded with hatred and violence, pesantren meet strong challenge to perpetuate –even to develop –its wise religiosity. Due to economic and politic problems to which many Muslims are so in weaknesses to face, pulling to get short cut(such as through violence in the name of God) is going more and more stronger. To face the problems with its impacts, the institution have to develop its education matching the present conditions from which pesantren and its communities have wide horizon and enough capability to respond the dynamic situations. This development surely must base on the noble Islamic values which pesantren hold firmly from time to time. Thus, Indonesian Islam from now on would still have cool face and comfort not only for Indonesian people, but also for all over the world.
Era refomasi yang dimasuki bangsa Indonesia sejak tahun 1999 abad yang lalu ternyata berjalan tidak sebagaimana yang diimpikan. Terlepas dari beberapa fenomena yang mengarah kepada perbaikan, berbagai persoalan mencuat ke permukaan. Dalam kasus-kasus tertentu sejumlah persoalan telah melemparkan bangsa ke dalam lubang nestapa yang menerjang secara telak eksistensi mereka sebagai suatu bangsa yang demokratis dan religius. Realitas yang ada di hadapan kita adalah realitas cukup buram yang merepresentasikan suatu kehidupan yang mulai tercerabut dari akar-akar nilai-nilai moralitas yang sejatinya sangat diperlukan dalam pengembangan kesejahteraan kehidupan bangsa dan umat manusia secara keseluruhan.
Salah satu fenomena yang cenderung menguat saat ini adalah terjadinya penyalahgunaan kekuasaan. Dengan mata telanjang kita dapat melihat di mana-mana kekuasaan sering bergandeng lekat dengan korupsi dan praktik-praktik kotor yang lain. Ambil contoh, satu persatu, ketua DRPD dan anggotanya, serta penguasa daerah diseret ke pengadilan dengan tuduhan memakan uang negara atau rakyat. Hampir tidak ada lagi ranah publik yang kosong dari tikus-tikus yang menggrogoti lumbung kekayaan negara.
Persoalan tambah runyam ketika persoalan moral ini terkesan sekadar menjadi permainan yang dapat dilacak melalui vonis bebas terhadap pelakunya. Apakah negara ini memang milik koruptor?. Sebuah pertanyaan yang sulit dibantah, tapi jangan sampai menjadi realitas yang tidak mungkin diubah lagi.
Persoalan korupsi menjadi persoalan krusial yang harus dibincang pertama kali karena secara politis korupsi menopang perkembangan rezim dan sistem politik yang otoritarian dan sebaliknya para diktator (pengusa) dalam sistem politik yang berbau otorianistik mudah terperangkap dalam penyalahgunaan kekuasaan. Rezim masa demokrasi terpimpin dan orba membuktikan interplay antara kekuasaan otoriter dan korupsi[1]. Korupsi yang terus merebak ke mana-mana ini menunjukkan bahwa senyatanya otoritarianisme dan sebangsanya masih berkutat kuat dalam negara, serta pada saat yang sama memperlihatkan, proses demokratisasi yang berjalan saat ini masih berada pada tataran permukaan formal dan artifisial semata. Demokrasi yang berjalan saat ini belum menyentuh inti demokrasi yang sejatinya bersifat moral. Dengan demikian, demokrasi prosedural yang saat ini berkembang memberi peluang bagi petualang politik dan pemburu kekuasaan untuk masuk ke dalam jejaringan kekuasaan sekadar untuk meraih kepentingan-kepentingan sempit dan sesaat yang bertentangan dengan kepentingan umum dan mayarakat luas.
Dalam kondisi yang demikian, proses-proses demokrasi yang sedang berjalan sering membias ke arah yang tidak sejalan, atau bahkan bertentangan dengan nilai-nilai substansial demokrasi. Pemilihan langsung, misalnya, yang sebermula sekali dirancang sebagai ajang aktualisasi aspirasi rakyat serta untuk menyerap kehendak masyarakat memetamorfosis menjadi sekadar ajang pertarungan para elit untuk memperebutkan kekuasaan. Dominasi partai politik dalam penentuan calon penguasa menjadikan proses pemilihan direkayasa sedemikian rupa sehingga hanya figur-figur yang dikehendaki para elit politik yang bisa lolos dalam pencalonan. Sedangkan suara rakyat dibungkam atau digiring ke satu pilihan (tepatnya, ketentuan) yang sulit untuk dihindari akibat kepolosan rakyat di satu pihak, dan penggunaan budaya paternalistik, simbol-simbol agama dan sejenisnya di pihak lain.
Partai politik yang seharusnya merupakan media artikulasi rakyat dan harus berwatak populis, akibat ambisi dan keserakahan para elitnya, banyak yang telah meninggalkan sifat dan wataknya yang genuine dan berkembang menjadi semacam mafia para preman yang di dalamnya hanya dipenuhi dengan diskursus dan aksi seputar kekuasaan dan sejenisnya. Sedangkan kepentingan rakyat tak lebih dari sekadar retorika yang hanya dimunculkan dalam momen-momen tertentu manakala partai politik memerlukan dukungan mereka. Lewat dari itu, partai politik kembali melupakan rakyat, meninggalkan, dan membiarkan mereka dalam gelutan persoalan yang terkadang cukup pelik dan rumit sehingga seringkali menggerus akal sehat mereka dan meluluhkan ketulusan hati nurani mereka.
Masyarakat ternyata memiliki caranya sendiri dalam menyikapi persoalan yang menghadang mereka. Penyalahgunaan kekuasaan serta premanisme yang dilakukan para elit dan penguasa nyaris sejalan dengan kekerasan yang ditampakkan sebagian masyarakat. Di berbagai daerah, kekerasan dalam beragam bentuknya, dari sifatnya yang telanjang dan kasat mata hingga yang bernuansa teroristik mencuat secara fenomenal menjadi pemandangan keseharian. Sering hanya karena persoalan yang dari tataran permukaan dianggap sangat sepele, kelompok-kelompok di masyarakat lalu terlibat dalam pertikaian berdarah dan saling membantai satu terhadap yang lain. Ketika ada maling ayam dan sebangsanya tertangkap basah, massa langsung menghakiminya sendiri melalui cara-cara yang sangat biadab dan sangat kejam. Kekerasan yang muncul tentu tidak sebatas itu. Kekerasan dalam bentuk lain yang lebih mengerikan, dalam bentuk terorisme, menyebar di berbagai daerah dan menancapkan kuku-kuku mautnya dalam ranah publik.
Kompleksitas Persoalan
Tentunya masyarakat bukan sekadar rumput kering yang mudah terbakar manakala ada setitik api yang menyulut mereka. Keliaran dan brutalitas yang ditampakkan mereka merepresentasikan seutuhnya persoalan yang dihadapi bangsa yang rumit dan berkelindan satu dengan yang lain. Ia memperlihatkan tentang persoalan politik yang sering mengabaikan rakyat kecil, atau bahkan sering menindas masyarakat akar rumput. Sekian puluh tahun mereka sekadar dijadikan obyek kepentingan segelintir orang dan kelompok yang mengklaim diri sebagai pemilik otoritas dan kebijakan. Tindakan anarkis masyarakat yang terjadi secara beruntun dari saat ke saat mendeskripsikan masalah ekonomi yang hanya berpihak kepada pemilik modal dan kian meminggirkan masyarakat yang lemah. Hal itu juga mengungkapkan tentang persoalan pendidikan yang selain “tidak mendidik” juga telah menjadi barang komoditas yang hanya dijangkau oleh kelompok masyarakat yang memiliki duit. Dengan demikian, pendidikan tidak dapat menjangkau seluruh segmen yang ada dalam masyarakat sebagaimana pula nilai-nilainya tidak menyentuh nurani mereka.
Di atas semua itu, kekerasan dalam dan oleh masyarakat menunjukkan betapa kekerasan telah nyaris menjadi budaya kehidupan kita. Kekerasan adalah setali tiga uang dengan penyalahgunaan kekuasaan dengan segala dampak negatifnya yang merambah kuat dalam institusi pemerintahan. Serupa, dalam arti kekerasan dan praktik-praktik kotor itu sama-sama merugikan masyarakat secara keseluruhan. Ironisnya, kondisi semacam itu begitu melekat dalam kehidupan bangsa sehingga begitu sulit untuk dikurangi, apalagi dihilangkan.
Menilisik Akar Persoalan
Jika kita jujur, semua itu muncul ke permukaan sebagai salah satu penanda memudarnya moralitas dalam kehidupan bangsa. Penyalahgunaan kekuasaan, kekerasan dan sebangsanya menunjuk kepada kebobrokan kedirian kita sebagai manusia. Meskipun moralitas menjadi wacana kita, dan merupakanungkapan yang tidak pernah terlewatkan dari satu ceramah ke satu seminar, tapi kehadirannya tak lebih dari sebatas retorika dan belum menjadi bagian dari sikap dan perilaku umumnya masyarakat, apalagi elit kita. Moralitas tak lebih dari sekadar boneka pajangan yang tak memiliki roh dan makna signifikan dalam kehidupan konkret bangsa.
Merebaknya kejahatan sosial dan kemanusiaan yang berjalan seiring dengan melemahnya moralitas berakar pada berbagai persoalan yang sangat kompleks, yang satu dengan lainnya saling berkelindan. Untuk menguaknya, hal itu dapat dimulai dari penerimaan bangsa atas modernitas yang sampai derajat tertentu bersifat pasif. Mereka menerima modernitas tanpa ada upaya untuk mengkritisinya secara sungguh-sungguh, mengapresiasi aspek-aspek positif yang perlu dikembangkan secara kreatif, dan dampak negatif yang harus dihilangkan, serta pada saat yang sama mengkontekstualisasikan dengan budaya dan nilai-nilai luhur yang dianut mereka.
Padahal modernitas itu sendiri mengandung sejumlah persoalan cukup serius. Modernitas dengan rasionalitas yang melekat di dalamnya memang telah mengantarkan umat manusia (khususnya di Dunia Barat) kepada pengembangan sains dan teknologi yang cukup menakjubkan. Melalui dua pilar utama itu, manusia menguak misteri dan rahasia alam, dan pada saat yang sama muai mencoba menguasainya. Hal ini, menurut Soroush, berdampak besar pada pandangan mereka terhadap dunia dan dirinya. Akibat penguasaan mereka yang subyektif itu, mereka memiliki kesempatan untuk mengubah dunia dan pandangan tentang diri mereka secara radikal. Mereka yang sebelumnya menganggap sebagai tamu di dunia ini dengan segala kewajiban yang harus dipenuhi, sekarang mereka berkeyakinan telah menjadi tuan rumah dan sekaligus arsiteknya. Dengan demikian, mereka melihat diri mereka sebagai pemilik hak-hak tinimbang sebagai hamba yang memiliki kewajiban[2]. Mereka seakan-akan mentahbiskan diri sebagai satu-satunya penguasa di jagad raya dan kehidupan. Tidak ada lagi penguasa dan pemilik selain diri mereka sendiri yang telah menguasai sains dan teknologi.
Dalam bahasa Armstrong, kemajuan sains dan teknologi melahirkan semangat autonomi dan independensi baru yang mendorong sebagian orang untuk mendeklarasikan kebebasan manusia dari Tuhan[3]. Modernisasi semacam itu merupakan anutan dominan (sebagian) masyarakat di Dunia Barat pada abad dua puluh yang lalu yang saat ini mulai mendapat kritik tajam dari kalangan mereka sendiri.
Dalam perjalanan yang dilalui, “keangkuhan” mereka itu selain tidak mampu menyelesaikan segala persoalan yang mereka hadapi, ternyata juga telah menambah persoalan terhadap umat manusia dari belahan dunia yang lain. Dengan keangkuhannya itu, mereka berusaha untuk menguasai bangsa-bangsa lain. Dari sana lahirlah kolonialisme dari bentuknya yang klasik hingga yang bersifat neo-kolonialisme yang membuat manusia, terutama di negara-negara berkembang, nyaris sepenuhnya bergantung kepada bangsa-bangsa maju yang modern di Dunia Barat. Neo-kolonialisme yang berkembang saat ini memaksakan, mendekte kepada masyarakat Dunia Kedua dan Ketiga “kebutuhan-kebutuhan” kehidupan mereka. Korporat sejagad di Dunia Pertama menjadikan apa yang sebenarnya belum menjadi kebutuhan masyarakat sebagai sesuatu yang tampak dibutuhkan dalam kehidupan mereka. Kenaifan dan ironi lalu sering menimpa kehidupan mereka.
Pada posisi demikian masyarakat kita umumnya menerima modernisasi. Kenyataan itu membuat masyarakat dikejar-kejar “kebutuhan” yang sejatinya belum menjadi keperluan hidup mereka. Mereka lalu menjadi makhluk konsumtif yang memangsa dengan rakus segala yang berbau atau datang dari Barat. Kendati tidak seluruh masyarakat tergila-gila dengan Barat, tapi konsumerisme nyaris menjadi bagian dari hidup mereka. Bagi mereka, modernitas –tidak lebih dan tidak kurang –adalah Barat;. Bahkan sebagian lagi mereduksinya dengan mengidentikkannya dengan sekadar budaya populer yang di Barat sendiri mulai dikritik dan dipersoalkan.
Di balik pola hidup konsumtif, pragmatisme menyeruak atas, dan merebak ke dalam kehidupan sebagai anutan hidup masyarakat dalam berbagai lapisannya. Sikap ini membuat mereka tidak mampu melihat hal-hal yang jauh, dan menjadikan mereka kurang peka terhadap hal-hal yang bersifat substantif. Mereka lalu terbiasa dengan kehidupan yang hanya tampak di depan mata yang kebanyakan lebih bersifat semu. Pragmatisme menyebabkan mereka terbuai dengan hidup kekinian, kesesaatan semata, serta mendorong mereka untuk selalu mendapatkannya. Untuk itu, mereka sering terperangkap ke dalam cara-cara yang tidak sejalan atau bahkan bertentangan dengan nilai-nilai moralitas universal atau kearifan budaya lokal. Mereka lebih mementingkan kesaat-inian dan kedirian mereka sendiri, tanpa suatu pegangan yang kokoh bagaimana menatap masa depan yang lebih humanis, bermoral dan menjanjikan bagi semua.
Konkretnya, masyarakat tampak mudah terombang-ambing dalam menyikapi perkembangan kehidupan dan perubahan sosial yang berjalan begitu cepat. Mereka kurang memiliki pegangan yang kokoh. Bagaimana pun juga, setiap perubahan sosial dengan laju dan skala yang besar tentu akan mengakibatkan krisis yang besar pula. Di antaranya adalah goyahnya sistem nilai yang selama ini diterima dan dihayati dirasakan (atau tepatnya, dianggap) tidak lagi relevan atau responsif terhadap keadaan yang telah berubah[4]. Dalam kondisi seperti itu, hanya sedikit masyarakat yang dapat mengembangkan secara kreatif nilai-nilai lama yang mereka pegang dan mengkontekstualisasikan ke dalam hidupn kekinian. (Ini pun dalam pengembangannya masih sangat terbatas, parsial, serta belum mampu dijadikan tawaran untuk pijakan kokoh masyarakat luas). Selebihnya, dalam jumlah yang besar, terseret ke dalam pusaran arus besar yang di dalamnya nilai-nilai moral dan kearifan kehidupan mengalami penggerusan sehingga nyaris terkelupas dari kehidupan itu sendiri.
Pendidikan yang seharusnya menjadi tumpuan harapan untuk meneguhkan moralitas, selain pengembagan ilmu pengetahuan dan ketrampilan, justru ikut terjebak ke dalam pola pandangan yang berbatas tipis dengan paragmatisme. Banyak lembaga pendidikan yang hanya dapat mengembangkan manusia yang lebih berorientasi kepada aspek formalitas semata, serta sekaligus kurang memiliki komitmen dalam penanaman nilai-nilai luhur yang responsif terhadap perubahan sosial dan perkembangan kehidupan. Lebih dari itu, banyak institusi pendidikan yang kehadirannya lebih sebagai alat –disadari atau tidak –untuk memperteguh kondisi yang ada dalam bentuk kurangnya perhatian kepada pengembangan generasi penerus yang mandiri dan memiliki jati diri yang tegar yang relatif antisipatif terhadap kehidupan di masa depan. Meminjan konsep Freire, pendidikan yang berjalan dominan –kendati rekonstruksi kritis terhadap dunia pendidikan saat ini sudah mulai dikembangkan –masih bersifat pendidikan gaya bank yang menjadikan peserta didik sebagai obyek yang terus dijejali ilmu pengetahuan. Akibatnya, mereka menjadi tidak kreatif dan kritis dalam menyikapi segala hal yang mereka terima[5]. Pola pendidikan ini hanya menjadikan manusia mengetahui kebenaran, nilai-nilai, dan sebangsanya sebatas mengetahui, tanpa memahaminya secara kritis sehingga sulit untuk meyakininya. Ketika mereka berada dalam dunia konkret dan menyaksikan perubahan kehidupan yang begitu cepat dan dahsyat, mereka mengalami kesulitan untuk mengkonktekstualisasikan semua yang mereka ketahui, mereka yakini ke dalam kehidupan konkret sebagaimana pula tidak pernah mengalami internalisasi nilai-nilai itu ke dalam kedirian mereka. Mereka lalu menjadi gamang, dan akhirnya mudah terbawa arus. Karakter demikian merupakan karakter kuat sebagian masyarakat dan para elit kita.
[1] Arbi Sanit. “Korupsi Sebagai Sistem Politik Penjarahan” dalam A. S. Burhan et. al. (ed.). Korupsi di Negeri Kaum Beriman. Cetakan I, (Jakarta: P3M –Kemiotraan Partnership, 2004), hlm. 6.
[2] Abdul Karim Soroush. Menggugat Otoritas dan Tradisi Agama. Terjemahan, Cetakan I, (Bandung: Penerbit Mizan, 2002), 87.
[3] Karen Armstrong. A History of God: The 4,000-Year Quest of Judaism, Christianity and Islam. (New York: Ballantine Books, 1993), hlm. 346
[4] Nurcholish Madjid. Islam Agama Kemanusiaan: Membangun Tradisi dan Visi Baru Islam Indonesia. Ceakan I, (Jakarta: Paramadina, 1995), hlm. 87.
[5] Lihat Paulo Freire. Pendidikan Kaum Tertindas. Cetakan I, (Jakarta: LP3ES, 1985), hlm. 49 ff.
